It was good hearing leaders of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) the other day sounding confident that nobody and no power whatsoever will stop the proposed National Convention of the party scheduled for November 2025 in Ibadan, Oyo State. For members of the party, who are worried about the crisis that has bedevilled the political party, and Nigerians who, perhaps, look up to the party for political redemption, such a pronouncement is reassuring. This is moreso since it is coming at a time when it appears as if the PDP has reached a point of no return in its game of self-destruction.

For the avoidance of doubt, the PDP has been suffering self-inflicted crisis caused by its inability, as a political party, to manage previous successes, orchestrated anti-party activities by its members and lack of commitment by members and former members to the ideals of the party, with their selfish feeling that everything should revolve round them. That the PDP lost power at the centre was caused by the inordinate ambition and the feeling of self-importance by some members who could not think beyond themselves to look at the bigger picture in the future. Thinking about themselves alone, these people worked against the party, brought it down and inadvertently shot themselves in the foot.
One indisputable fact is that, had the politicians who fused together under the “New Peoples Democratic Party (nPDP), such as former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar; former President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki: former governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Amaechi; former Governor of Kwara State, Abdulfatah Ahmed; and former Governor of Sokoto State, Aliyu Wamakko, not left the PDP in 2014, the political party would not have suffered the crushing defeat of 2015. Also, had PDP members who grudgingly remained in the party in 2014 not worked against it in the 2015 elections, the story of today would not be.
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It was a case of one cutting one’s nose to spite one’s face. These politicians, who left or remained in the PDP, vehemently opposed former President Goodluck Jonathan’s desire to contest the 2015 presidential election. They could not forgive what they termed the former President’s betrayal by not fulfilling his promise of completing the tenure of his former boss, Umar Musa Yar’Adua, who died in office, and contesting for President only once in 2011. Fixated about power returning to the North, they ganged up and preferred that the opposition political party then, the All Progressives Congress (APC), should rather take federal power than for Jonathan to get another term in office as President. One consequence of that singular action was that Jonathan, nay PDP, lost the 2015 election. The other consequence was that Atiku, Saraki, Amaechi and others only enjoyed a momentary victory of having Jonathan out of office but suffered collateral damage that is still haunting them today. Jonathan lost the election but still remains relevant in Nigeria. Muhammadu Buhari came as President, has left office and is dead. However, the people who made these happen have not enjoyed their political odyssey since then. They are still fighting for their political lives.
It is the same gang-up in the PDP that sabotaged the party’s return to power in 2023 and is also responsible for the festering crisis of today. Five sitting governors then could not accept the result of a presidential primary and, therefore, could not give their best for the PDP in the elections. Although they remained members of the PDP, they did not wholeheartedly work for the party. This below-the-table act contributed in costing the PDP victory at the polls. Some of the former governors also lost personal elections. Their act of political rebellion against the PDP became the gain of the APC, which now controls the federal government and about two-thirds of the states of the federation, without making Nigerians fare better.
The attempt to rescue the PDP by its remaining governors in Bayelsa, Oyo, Zamfara, Bauchi, Enugu, Taraba, Adamawa and Osun, as well as some founding members and stakeholders, is commendable. It is gratifying that these leaders and stakeholders are serious about holding a national convention, through which they would have new leadership that would reposition the political party. It is also good that, as part of the effort to bring peace in the PDP and ensure that its fortunes in the coming 2027 general election are better, the leaders and stakeholders have decided to zone the presidential ticket of the party to the southern part of Nigeria.
By its early resolution of the zoning formular for the President and Vice President for the 2027 election, PDP has not only realised its mistake in 2023 but also knows that things should be properly done in order to get a better result. It also shows that the opposition political party has realised that it would stand a better chance in the presidential election if it fights the incumbent President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, of the APC, who is from the South, with a southern candidate. What is crystal clear is that no matter how attractive it may be, a northern presidential candidate in 2027 against a southerner President, just four years after a President from the North left office, would be difficult to sell.
However, in praising the PDP for trying to make hay while the sun shines, it must be stated that the rebound of the opposition political party is beyond announcing the zoning of the 2027 presidential ticket to the South. The manner of the zoning is in itself altruistic. There are three geopolitical zones in Southern Nigeria. If the PDP wanted to gain some traction, it would have micro-zoned the 2027 presidential ticket to a particular geopolitical zone in the South. Leaders and stakeholders of the PDP should have had the courage to zone the 2027 presidential ticket to the South East, for a good reason.
Of all the three zones in the South, the South East is the only one that has not produced Nigeria’s president or Vice President since the advent of the current democracy in 1999. While the South West has produced two elected Presidents and a Vice President, the South-South has produced one President and one Vice President. The South East, on its part, has neither produced a President nor Vice President. Therefore, if the PDP wants to be fair and wants to give the South East a sense of belonging for having supported the party tremendously from 1998 to 2022 and also paid a price for it, and for having proved that an Igbo could get national appeal in a presidential election, as shown in the 2023 election, the party should have shut out the South-South and South West from the contest in order to avoid the confusion that would ensue, as seen in the 2023 party primary.
By zoning the 2027 presidential ticket to the South, the PDP is creating an opportunity for aspirants from zones where it does not have strong political base and where the real intention of some stakeholders cannot be ascertained to muddle the waters to the advantage of the APC. It is becoming apparent that, apart from the South-easterners, any candidate chosen from South-South or South-West would be more of baggage for the party than strength. A South-westerner is not a better alternative to an incumbent President from the South-West. A Jonathan South-southerner would be a candidate whose eligibility would be defined by the courts, which no serious political party should gamble with.
Therefore, as PDP navigates the complexities of the country’s political landscape, it is essential for the party to avoid some of these banana peels. The traps are already visible, with the voice of Jacob and the hand of Esau very clear. The party must, therefore, adopt a strategic approach to reclaim power. Apart from its national structure, the PDP should reorganize state and local government chapters. This would strengthen grassroots presence and electoral competitiveness across the country.
There is also need for the PDP to resolve factional disputes. This is a task for the reconciliation committee, which should look beyond personal ambition of some people and work more to promote unity and cohesion within the party.
The PDP should attract new members by focusing on recruiting old breed from other parties, youth and women to inject fresh ideas and energy into the party. Wooing former members and other people who share the same ideals, goals and aspirations as the PDP is an option that must be adopted.
The PDP should present itself as an alternative and better option for Nigeria’s leadership by providing alternative policy thrusts. The party should offer solutions on the economy, security and governance that differ from the ruling party’s approach.
The PDP should, going forward, consciously start promoting good governance and accountability by scrutinizing government policies and actions, holding the ruling party and those in government accountable for their decisions and actions.
The PDP should champion democratic values by adopting transparent democratic processes in the selection of its leaders and candidates and by upholding the rule of law, human rights and good governance. It should highlight its commitment to national unity, progress and development. The party must work with other political parties to have a formidable coalition that can confront the ruling APC.
It is in the interest of Nigeria as a country for the PDP and the opposition to remain strong and virile. A strong opposition is essential for a healthy democracy. It is crucial for promoting good governance, protecting citizens’ rights, improving policymaking and strengthening democracy. These are what Nigeria needs in the face of plots for a one-party state and government officials who are averse to alternative viewpoints.
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